Alt-right

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Alt-right is a term used for a far-right movement of young adult Millennials and Generation Z during the 2010s, as a direct opposite of the alt-left. A largely online phenomenon, the alt-right originated in the United States during the late 2000s before increasing in popularity during the mid-2010s and establishing a presence in other countries, and then declining since 2017. The term is ill-defined, having been used in different ways by alt-right members, media commentators, journalists, and academics.

It fell out of use after the term became co-opted by the followers of Dark Enlightenment and Nouvelle Droite movements. It completely fell out of usage following the August 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, which led to violent clashes with counter-demonstrators.

Definition and influences

The term "alt-right" is an abbreviation of "alternative right," emerging in the 2010s as a movement combining both traditional conservative ideas and new perspectives. Defining the alt-right has been challenging due to varied self-descriptions and the tendency of some political opponents to broadly apply the term to many right-wing groups and viewpoints. As the alt-right gained attention around 2016, media sources struggled to understand it, often using the term as a catch-all for any far-right ideology. Scholars Patrik Hermansson, David Lawrence, Joe Mulhall, and Simon Murdoch noted that the media used "alt-right" to describe everything from hardcore Nazis to mainstream Republicans and right-wing populists in Europe. The alt-right has also been described as misogynistic and xenophobic by organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League. Political scientist George Hawley argued that using terms like "white supremacist" instead of "alt-right" obscures the movement's distinct characteristics.

The term was coined by Paul Gottfried. The alt-right is situated on the far-right of the political spectrum and is characterized by its rejection of mainstream conservatism and liberal democracy. Key figures within the alt-right express a variety of views, but common themes include opposition to political correctness, third-wave feminism, economic welfare, and illegal immigration. The movement is also known for its support of cultural nationalism, non-interventionism, and often expresses broad support for Donald Trump.

White identity

The alt-right is fundamentally concerned with white identity, and has significantly influenced both the Trump administration and social discourse. However, according to a research manuscript published in the journal, Perspectives on Psychological Science, the alt-right's loosely organized structure results in varied portrayals of its members' psychology, complicating the understanding of its objectives and scope.[1] To systematically examine the alt-right's psychological traits, researchers recruited two U.S. samples: an exploratory group via MTurk (827 participants, 447 identifying as alt-right) and a larger, nationally representative sample through the National Opinion Research Center's Amerispeak panel (1283 participants, with 71 to 160 identifying as alt-right, depending on the definition). Findings suggest that 6% of the U.S. population and 10% of Trump voters identify with the alt-right.[1]

GamerGate and the Alt-Right

While GamerGate did not directly spawn the alt-right, it played a significant role in creating an environment where alt-right ideas could flourish. The alt-right, commonly referred to as a white nationalist fringe, existed before GamerGate, with roots tracing back to 2010 when Richard Spencer launched the Alternative Right website. However, the alt-right's online presence surged in 2015, partly due to Breitbart, which also championed GamerGate.[2]

GamerGate began as a backlash against perceived feminist influences and social justice in the video game industry. Breitbart and Milo Yiannopoulos, a prominent figure in both GamerGate and the alt-right, heavily promoted this cause. Yiannopoulos' flashy persona and outspoken criticism of feminism made him a hero to many in the GamerGate movement, despite their diverse political backgrounds.[2]

The movement attracted alt-right elements, including misogynists, bigots, and far-right extremists, particularly from 4chan's "Politically Incorrect" board, /pol/. These individuals contributed to the toxic environment, though many GamerGaters disapproved of their presence. Despite this, the alt-right attempted to co-opt GamerGate. Chat logs leaked in 2016 revealed efforts by alt-right figures to steer GamerGate supporters toward their cause, hoping to use the movement as a springboard for broader cultural influence. Although the GamerGate-to-Alt-Right pipeline did not fully materialize, some GamerGaters did align with Donald Trump in the 2016 election, drawn by his opposition to political correctness and hostility toward mainstream media.[2]

A Radical Ideology's Rise and Fall

The alt-right emerged suddenly, presenting a radical political ideology that challenged American liberal democracy. This movement, fueled by racist and misogynistic elements from the dark corners of the internet, gained significant attention after forcing its way into Donald Trump's 2016 campaign. Trump's rise to the presidency appeared to have ties to the alt-right, with personalities like Steve Bannon, an "alt-lite" leader, taking prominent positions in Trump's administration. However, the alt-right's prominence was short-lived. The violent Charlottesville rally in mid-2017 marked a turning point, leading to the rapid decline of the movement and its key figures.[3]

Six years after Charlottesville, the alt-right's initial impact and coherence seem overstated. Nevertheless, many of the movement's ideas have permeated the broader American right. Evaluating the alt-right's true influence requires examining its ideological success rather than focusing solely on its organizational aspects.[3]

Alt-Right Psychological Profile

Alt-right members exhibit psychological traits characterized more by a desire for group-based dominance rather than economic anxiety. While both alt-right adherents and non-alt-right Trump voters differ significantly from non-alt-right, non-Trump voters, the primary distinction lies in the alt-right's heightened enthusiasm for Trump, distrust of mainstream media, preference for alternative media, and a strong desire for collective action to benefit Whites. This suggests a need to reconsider overt bias in contemporary intergroup research.

Divergent Portrayals of the Alt-Right

The alt-right movement is portrayed in various ways, reflecting differing perspectives on its primary motivations. Some portrayals highlight an antiestablishment and anti-globalist sentiment, suggesting that the movement's supporters seek to transfer power from perceived elites to the people. Other portrayals emphasize anxiety over threats to the status and power of US-born Whites, with some sources labeling the movement as White supremacist. These differing views imply distinct primary goals for the alt-right: anti-establishment sentiment versus a desire for group-based dominance.

The movement's motivations may overlap, as individuals might be driven by both anti-establishmentarianism and supremacism, particularly if they view Whites as a victimized group ignored by elites. This examination considers all these possibilities, reflecting the complex and multifaceted nature of the alt-right's psychological profile.

Emergence of the Alt-Lite

A key division within the alt-right was between those who became the alt-lite and those who embrace explicitly neo-Nazi and white supremacist stances.[4] The white supremacist and neo-Nazi alt-rightists are sometimes termed "1488s", a combination of the white supremacist fourteen words slogan with 88, a coded reference to "HH", or "Heil Hitler".[5] These neo-Nazi elements represent a minority within the alt-right.[6] Many on the less extreme end of the movement are critical of them, believing that they "go too far" or generate bad publicity for it.[7] Some of the latter mock the neo-Nazi and explicitly white supremacist elements as "Stormfags", a reference to the white supremacist website Stormfront.[8]

Alt-right members exhibit psychological traits characterized more by a desire for group-based dominance rather than economic anxiety. While both alt-right adherents and non-alt-right Trump voters differ significantly from non-alt-right, non-Trump voters, the primary distinction lies in the alt-right's enthusiasm for Trump, justifiable distrust in mainstream media, preference for truth-in-media, and a strong desire for collective action to equally benefit Whites. This suggests a need to reconsider overt bias in contemporary intergroup research.

Protestors at the 2017 Unite the Right rally, which was promoted by the alt-right. One man carries the logo of Vanguard America, and another has a T-shirt depicting German Nazi leader Adolf Hitler.

Rejecting the idea that race is a socio-cultural construct, the alt-right promotes scientific racism, claiming that racial categories demarcate biologically distinct groups. They call this belief "race realism".[9] A recurring tendency among alt-rightists is to rank these races on a hierarchy, according to perceived IQ. This hierarchy has Asians and Ashkenazi Jews at the top, followed by non-Jewish whites, then Arabs, and finally, black Africans.[10] Several prominent alt-rightists, including Anglin and Spencer, have been romantically involved with women of Asian heritage.[11] Unlike earlier racist worldviews, such as those of the interwar fascists, the alt-right emphasizes the idea of racial difference above that of racial superiority, leaving the latter either implicit, or secondary, in its discourse.[12] Most alt-rightists reject the label of "white supremacist".[8]

Having analyzed alt-right posts online, the political scientists Joe Phillips and Joseph Yi noted that a pervasive underlying theme was the belief that white people were victims, and that white Americans had been disadvantaged by government policies, such as affirmative action for non-white groups, assistance to illegal immigrants, and the perceived denigration of "white history", like Christopher Columbus and the Confederate States of America.[8] Alt-right online discourse also expressed much anger at the idea of white privilege, widely promoted by the American Left in the 2010s, with members citing job insecurity, under employment or unemployment, and growing mortality rates among whites as evidence that they do not lead privileged lives.[8]

Many alt-rightists have expressed the desire to push nationalist ideas into the Overton window—the range of ideas tolerated in public discourse.[13] The alt-right has served as a bridge between white nationalism and traditional conservatism, and as a tool used by white nationalists to push their rhetoric into the mainstream.[14] On Twitter, alt-rightists, for instance, combined their white nationalist hashtags with others used by Trump supporters more broadly, notably #MakeAmericaGreatAgain, so as to spread their message across the broader political right.[15]

White separatism and ethno-states

Some who have been labeled alt-right may be white separatists, desiring autonomy in their own white communities.[16] Some envision breaking up the United States into multiple states, each inhabited by a different ethnic or racial group,[16] one or more of which would represent white ethno-states.[17] Writing in the Pacific Standard, journalist Jared Keller commented that this desire for an independent ethno-state was similar to anarcho-fascist ideas promoted by the British National Anarchist Movement.[18] Spencer compared his campaign for a white ethno-state with the early days of Zionism, which began in the 19th century with calls for the formation of a Jewish ethno-state, and resulted in the formation of Israel in the mid-20th century.[19]

Many alt-rightists are unclear as to how a white ethno-state would emerge, but are content instead to promote the idea.[20] Spencer commented "I don't know how we're going to get there, because the thing is, history will decide that for us... You have to wait for a revolutionary opportunity to present itself, and history will present that opportunity".[19] He suggested that it could be achieved through "peaceful ethnic cleansing", with non-whites given financial incentives to leave.[21] The prominent alt-rightist Greg Johnson suggested that it would come about after white nationalists became the dominant force in U.S. politics, at which point they would deport all illegal migrants, before encouraging all other people of color to emigrate.[22]

Other alt-rightists are critical of the idea of breaking up the U.S. into ethno-states, arguing that this would mean destroying the country that their Euro-American ancestors built.[16] They instead argue for restrictive immigration policies, to ensure that the U.S. retains its white majority.[23] Some alt-rightists promote a pan-white empire spanning Europe and North America.[24] Spencer noted that wanted his white ethno-state in North America to eventually form part of "a global empire" that could provide "a homeland for all white people", expanding its territory into the Middle East by conquering Istanbul, which in his words was "such a profoundly symbolic city. Retaking it, that would be a statement to the world".[25]

Antisemitism and the white genocide conspiracy theory

Some elements of the alt-right are antisemitic, but others are tolerant of Jews.[26][27] Many in the alt-right believe that there is a Jewish conspiracy within the United States to achieve "white genocide", the elimination of white people as a racial group, and their replacement with non-whites.[28] They believe that a Jewish cabal controls the U.S. government, media, and universities, and is pursuing its aim of white genocide by spreading anti-white tropes, and encouraging African-American civil rights groups.[29] As evidence for this supposed white genocide, these far-right figures point to the depiction of inter-racial couples or mixed-race children on television, and the publication of articles discouraging women from having children early in life.[30] They also cite apparent instances of white self-hatred, including Rachel Dolezal, an American woman of European descent who identifies as black.[31]

This antisemitic conspiracy theory is not new to the alt-right, but has recurred among far-right groups in Western countries since the 19th century; it was the reason for the Holocaust and various anti-Semitic pogroms in European history.[29] Andrew Anglin, one of the most prominent alt-right ideologues and a member of its neo-Nazi wing, stated "the core concept of the movement, upon which all else is based, is that Whites are undergoing an extermination, via mass immigration into White countries which was enabled by a corrosive liberal ideology of White self-hatred, and that the Jews are at the center of this agenda".[32] Anglin stated that in the alt-right, "Many people also believe that the Jews should be exterminated".[33][34][35] Other alt-rightists, like Spencer, welcome the involvement of Jews within their movement.[36]

Opposition to neoconservatism and political correctness

The alt-right sought to hasten the downfall of U.S. conservatism,[37] and conservatives were often the main target of alt-right wrath.[38] The prominent alt-right ideologue Brad Griffin stated "Alt Right is presenting itself as a sleek new challenger to mainstream conservatism and libertarianism... Alt Right was designed to appeal to a younger audience who reject the Left, but who don't fit in on the stuffy or banal Right either".[39] The alt-right places little emphasis on economic issues.[40] Unlike mainstream U.S. conservatives, alt-rightists do not tend to favor laissez-faire economics, and most appear to support President Trump's protectionist economic measures.[41]

The alt-right also rejects what it regards as the left-wing dominance of modern Western society.[42] Phillips and Yi noted that alongside "white identity politics", the alt-right promotes "a message of expressive transgression against left-wing orthodoxy ('political correctness')".[43] Political correctness has been characterized as one of the alt-right's "bugbears";[44] Nicole Hemmer stated on NPR that political correctness is seen by the alt-right as "the greatest threat to their liberty".[45] Alt-rightists often employ the term "Cultural Marxism"—originally coined in reference to a specific form of Marxist thought, popularised among the U.S. right-wing in the 1990s—in reference to a perceived leftist conspiracy to alter society. They apply the term "Cultural Marxism" to a broad range of left movements.[46]

Governance, isolationism, and anti-interventionism

The Russian far-right theorist Aleksandr Dugin was popular with the alt-right

Anglin claimed that the goal of the alt-right was to form an authoritarian government.[33][34][35] Writing in The New Yorker, the journalist Andrew Marantz claimed that neo-monarchists were among the alt-right.[47] The alt-right has no specific platform on U.S. foreign policy,[48] although it has been characterized as being non-interventionist,[49] as well as isolationist.[50] Generally, it opposes established Republican Party views on foreign policy issues.[48] Alt-rightists typically opposed President Bush's War on Terror policies,[48] and spoke against the 2017 Shayrat missile strike.[49][50] The alt-right has no interest in spreading democracy abroad and opposes the United States' close relationship with Israel.[48]

The alt-right often looks favorably on Russian President Vladimir Putin, viewing him as a strong, nationalistic white leader who defends his country from both radical Islam, and Western liberalism.[51] Spencer praised Putin's Russia as the "most powerful white power in the world",[52] while prominent alt-rightist Matthew Heimbach called Putin "the leader of the free world".[53] Although during the Cold War, the American Right often presented the Soviet Union as the main threat to the U.S., links between the American far-right and Russia grew during the 2000s, when prominent far-right activists like David Duke visited the country; the latter described Russia as being "key to White survival".[54] The far-right Russian political theorist Aleksandr Dugin is also viewed positively by the alt-right.[55][56] Dugin has written for Spencer's websites,[57] and Spencer's estranged wife, the ethnically Russian Nina Kouprianova, has translated some of Dugin's work into English.[58] Many alt-rightists also regard Syrian president Bashar al-Assad as a heroic figure for standing up to rebel groups in the Syrian Civil War.[59] Heimbach has endorsed a Shi'ite axis between al-Assad's Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah in Lebanon, seeing them as allies in the global struggle against Zionism.[53]

Anti-feminism and misogyny

Favoring a more patriarchal society, the alt-right is anti-feminist.[60] Unlike many U.S. conservatives, the alt-right does not argue its anti-feminist position from traditional Christian perspectives, but claims that it is rooted in what it calls "sex realism", arguing that as a result of their biological differences, men and women are suited to different tasks in society.[48] Lyons commented that the alt-right was misogynistic and presented women as irrational and vindictive.[61] Although a minority in the movement, the alt-right has female members who support its anti-feminist stance;[62][63][64] some prominent alt-right women, such as Lauren Southern, have experienced harassment and abuse from within the movement.[63][62] The Daily Stormer, for instance, banned female contributors, and called for reduced female involvement in the white nationalist movement, producing an angry response from various white nationalist women.[61] Within feminist circles, the alt-right's desired future was repeatedly compared to the Republic of Gilead, the fictional dystopia in Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale (1985) and its 2017 television adaptation.[65]

A placard criticizing the alt-right displayed at the 2017 Women's March.

The alt-right intersects with the manosphere, an online anti-feminist subculture,[66] including the men's rights movement, which believes that men face more oppression in Western society than women.[48] It adopts the movement's view that feminism has undermined and emasculated men, and believes that men should aggressively reassert their masculinity so as not to become "beta males" or "cucks".[9] There has been some clear influence between the two movements; prominent manosphere ideologue Roosh V, for instance, attended an NPI conference, and quoted anti-Semitic material from white nationalist sources in his articles.[67] Some alt-right figures have distanced themselves from the manosphere and its proponents; Greg Johnson of Counter-Currents Publishing was of the view that "the manosphere morally corrupts men", because it does not promote "the resurgence of traditional and biologically based sexual norms".[68]

The alt-right displays far less interest in homosexuality and abortion than the U.S. conservative movement, with alt-rightists taking varying perspectives on these topics.[69] Hawley suggested that the alt-right was more broadly sympathetic to legal abortion access than the conservative movement;[70] many alt-rightists support abortion access, because of its disproportionate use by African-American and Hispanic-American women.[70] Some on the alt-right consider homosexuality to be immoral and a threat to the survival of the white race,[71] with alt-right trolls having employed homophobic terminology like "faggot".[72] Others adopt a more tolerant stance, and have praised gay white nationalists.[73] This reflects a broader trend among white nationalists to denigrate gay culture, while being more tolerant of gay writers and musicians whose views they sympathize with, like James O'Meara, and Douglas Pearce.[71]

Religion

The alt-right is broadly secular.[74] Many of its members are atheists,[75][76] or highly skeptical of organized religion[77] and God.[76] Some alt-rightists identify as Christians;[78] The Right Stuff, for instance, hosted an alt-right Christian podcast called "The Godcast".[79] There are also individuals in the movement who do not believe in Christian teachings but identify as cultural Christians, admiring the Christian heritage of Western society.[75] Others on the alt-right oppose Christianity entirely, criticizing it for its Jewish roots, for being a universal religion that seeks to cross racial boundaries, and for encouraging what they see as a "slave morality" that they contrast with perceived ancient aristocratic values.[80] Some elements pursue modern Paganism.[75][81] White evangelical leaders of the Southern Baptist Church have angered the alt-right by expressing support for refugees entering the U.S., calling for measures to help undocumented migrants gain legal status, and urging members not to display the Confederate Battle Flag.[82] Despite this, alt-right hostility to Christianity has waned over time, with many alt-right commentators identifying as Christian, while rejecting mainstream Christian politics and most mainstream Christian religious leaders, especially Pope Francis.[83] The Mormon-related hashtag #DezNat – which targets pornography, the LGBTQ community, Mormon apostates and progressives, sometimes violently (see blood atonement) – has also been linked to the alt-right.[84]

Several press sources have linked the alt-right to Islamophobia,[85][86] and Wendling stated that alt-rightists view Islam as a fundamental threat to Western society.[75] Hawley expressed the view that "ironically, people on the Alt-Right are less Islamophobic than many mainstream conservatives".[87] He observed that many U.S. conservatives criticized Muslim migration to the United States, because they regarded Islam as a threat to liberty; the alt-right has made little use of this argument. For alt-rightists, migration from Islamic-majority countries is undesirable not because the migrants are Muslims, but because most of them are non-white; it is equally opposed to non-white migrants who are Christian or non-religious.[88]

Causal factors

The political scientist Philip W. Gray cited several reasons for the alt-right's emergence. In his analysis, new online media had reduced the conservative movement's ability to enforce its boundaries against the far-right, while the growing distance of World War II meant that pride in the U.S. victory over Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy provided less of a barrier to the American far-right, than it had when large numbers of people still remembered the conflict.[89] Gray also argued that the alt-right was a reaction against the left-wing racial and social agitation of the 2010s, in particular the Black Lives Matter movement, and the popularization of concepts like white privilege and male privilege, as well as events like the racial unrest in Baltimore and Ferguson, and the shooting of police officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge.[90]

The scholar of American studies Annie Kelly argued that the alt-right was influenced by a pervasive "discourse of anxiety about traditional white masculinity" in mainstream U.S. culture. In her view, much of the "groundwork" for this discourse was set forth by the conservative movement, in the years following the September 11 attacks in 2001.[91] Hawley concurred that some U.S. conservatives, such as Ann Coulter, had contributed to the alt-right's rise through their attacks on political correctness, as part of which they had "effectively delegitimized complaints about hate speech and racism".[92] Some conservatives, like columnist Matt K. Lewis, have agreed with this assessment.[93]

Drawing comparisons with the tale of The Boy Who Cried Wolf, the commentator Angela Nagle also suggested that "the hysterical liberal call-out" culture of the 2010s, in which "everyone from saccharine pop stars to Justin Trudeau [was called] a 'white supremacist' and everyone who wasn't With Her a sexist" made it more difficult for people to recognize when a far-right movement really emerged online.[94] Disagreeing with Nagle's view that the alt-right was primarily a "response to the stupidity of marginal Internet liberalism", the anti-fascist reporter Jay Firestone—who had spent three months undercover in New York's alt-right community—instead argued that it was a "response to decades of decline in standards of living for working people, amid the proliferation of unemployment and meaningless, dead-end jobs".[95]

Links to violence and terrorism

In 2017, Hawley noted that the alt-right was not a violent movement, but that this could potentially change.[96] From their analysis of online discourse, Phillips and Yi concluded that "rather than violence, most Alt-Right members focus on discussing and peacefully advocating their values".[16] They added that presenting the alt-right as a violent, revolutionary movement, or equating all alt-rightists with the 1488 scene—which was a "rhetorical tactic" for progressives—was "an intellectual failure akin to treating all Muslims or black nationalists as radicals and terrorists".[16]

Conversely, Wending noted that there were individuals on the extreme end of the alt-right willing to use violence.[97] He stated that "the culture of the alt-right is breeding its own brand of terrorists: socially isolated young men who are willing to kill".[98] The alt-right movement has been considered by some political researchers a terrorist movement and the process of alt-right radicalization has been compared to Islamic terrorism by political scientists and leaders.[99][100][101][102][103] A paper on the subject stated that it clearly fell under an extremist movement, saying that "alt-right adherents also expressed hostility that could be considered extremist: they were quite willing to blatantly dehumanize both religious/national outgroups and political opposition groups".[104]

See also

Notes

References

Citations

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  4. ^ Wendling 2018, p. 135.
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  6. ^ Hawley 2017, p. 14; Wendling 2018, p. 124; Phillips & Yi 2018, p. 222.
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  8. ^ a b c d Phillips & Yi 2018, p. 222.
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Works cited

External links

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