Authoritarianism

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Authoritarianism is a political system characterized by the rejection of democracy and political plurality. It involves the use of stronger central power to preserve the political status quo, and reductions in the rule of law, separation of powers, and democratic voting.[1][2] Political scientists have created typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government.[2] Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military.[3][4] States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states.[5][6][7]

The political scientist Juan Linz, in an "influential"[8] 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain, defined authoritarianism as possessing 4 qualities:

  1. Limited political pluralism, which is achieved with constraints on the legislature, political parties and interest groups.
  2. Political legitimacy based on appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such as underdevelopment or insurgency."
  3. Minimal political mobilization, and suppression of anti-regime activities.
  4. Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting, used to extend the power of the executive.[9][10]

Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures, free and competitive direct or indirect elections for executives, or both.[11][12][13][14] Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack human rights such as freedom of religion, or countries in which the government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections.[15] Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections.[16]

Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the 1970s and declined from then until the year 2000.[17] Prior to 2000, dictatorships may begin with a coup and replaced a pre-existing authoritarian regime.[18] Since 2000, dictatorships may begin through democratic backsliding whereby a democratically elected leader established an authoritarian regime.[18]

Characteristics

Authoritarianism is characterized by "highly concentrated" and centralized government power maintained by political repression and the exclusion of potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime.[19] Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity."[20]

Authoritarianism may embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power, a leadership that is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and "little" tolerance for "meaningful" opposition.[19] A range of social controls attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces, a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through means of socialization and indoctrination.[19] Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart identify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience.[21]

Authoritarianism is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler, ruling party or other authority.[19] The transition from an authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization.[19]

Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Authoritarian regimes may adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions.[22] Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve a variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice).[23] Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes.[24] An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate the regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements."[25] Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior.[26]

The Soviet Russia Constitution of 1918, the first charter of the new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state.[27] The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet.[28] Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power).[28] He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, and do not arbitrarily arrest, political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, and "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects the concept to that of hybrid regimes.[28]

Economy

Scholars such as Seymour Lipset,[29] Carles Boix, Susan Stokes,[30] Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens[31] argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into a democracy).[32]

Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, and less so under other circumstances.[33] Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes.[34]

According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights from the beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations.[35]

Institutions

Authoritarian regimes may incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, such as legislatures and judiciaries, while they may serve purposes. Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures and competitive political parties.[36][37] Some authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, and use it in a way that reinforces their power.[36] Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites.[38] Authoritarian party systems are "extremely unstable" and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of authority.[39] Judiciaries may be present in authoritarian states where they serve to repress political challengers, institutionalize punishment, and undermine the rule of law.[40]

Democratic and authoritarian differ in their elections. Democratic elections are "generally inclusive, competitive, and fair".[41] In instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are sometimes subject to fraud and constraints on the participation of opposing parties.[39] Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying election monitors to ensure victory.[36][42] A proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in years.[36] This is partly due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging criticism.[36][43]

According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to the 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about 2-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, and the elections are structured in a way to favor the incumbent authoritarian regime.[44] Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing the opposition and co-opting outsiders.[45]

Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include:[44]

  • Control of the media by the authoritarian incumbents.
  • Interference with opposition campaigning.
  • Electoral fraud.
  • Violence against opposition.
  • Spending by the state in favor of the incumbents.
  • Permitting of some parties, and not others.
  • Prohibitions on opposition parties, and not independent candidates.
  • Allowing competition between candidates within the incumbent party, and not those who are not in the incumbent party.

Interactions with other elites and the masses

The foundations of "stable" authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts.[46][47] Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby the ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (sometimes through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public.[48][49]

Manipulation of information

According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman, authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as a means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy.[50]

While authoritarian regimes invest in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to whether propaganda is effective.[51]

Systemic weakness and resilience

Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over-centralization of decision making, and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes – be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions."[52]

Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that the authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse.[19]

1 exception to this trend is the endurance of the "authoritarian" rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been resilient among "authoritarian" regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to 4 factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large."[52]

Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that require repression and propaganda to make people comply with the authoritarian regime. Adam Przeworski has challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives."[53] Thomas Pepinsky has challenged the mental image of an authoritarian state as 1 of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable."[54]

Violence

Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence "tends to be common" in authoritarian states because of a lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses.[46]

Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor 1 another.[55] Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring[56][57] and reduce the likelihood of mass protests.[58] Coup-proofing "reduces military effectiveness",[59][60][61][62] and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract.[63] A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts.[64] Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.[64] According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region.[65] A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are influenced by other countries with similar histories.[66] A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.[67] A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler."[68]

According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship.[69]

Typologies

According to Yale professor Juan José Linz there a 3 main types of political regimes: democracies, totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these 2, authoritarian regimes (with hybrid regimes).[70][71]

Similar terms

  • An authoritarian regime has "a concentration of power in a leader or an elite not constitutionally responsible to the people".[72] Unlike totalitarian states, they will allow social and economic institutions not under governmental control,[73] and tend to rely on passive mass acceptance rather than active popular support.[74]
  • An Autocracy is a state/government in which 1 person possesses "unlimited power".
  • A Totalitarian state is "based on subordination of the individual to the state and strict control of all aspects of the life and productive capacity of the nation especially by coercive measures (such as censorship and terrorism)".[75] and are ruled by a single ruling party made up of loyal supporters.[76] Unlike autocracies, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[77] totalitarian states are characterized by an official ideology, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[77] and "seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination".[77]
  • A Fascist state is autocratic and based on a political philosophy/movement, (such as that of the Fascisti of pre-WWII Italy) "that exalts nation and often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition".[78]

Subtypes

Subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others.[79] Linz identified the 2 most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes:

  • Traditional authoritarian regimes are those "in which the ruling authority (generally a single person)" is maintained in power "through a combination of appeals to traditional legitimacy, patron-client ties and repression, which is carried out by an apparatus bound to the ruling authority through personal loyalties." An example is Ethiopia under Haile Selassie I.[79]
    Honoring South Korean President Park Chung-hee in Army Parade at Armed Forces Day on 1 October 1973
  • Bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes are those "governed by a coalition of military officers and technocrats who act pragmatically (rather than ideologically) within the limits of their bureaucratic mentality."[79] Mark J. Gasiorowski suggests that it is best to distinguish "simple military authoritarian regimes" from "bureaucratic authoritarian regimes" in which "a powerful group of technocrats uses the state apparatus to try to rationalize and develop the economy" such South Korea under Park Chung-hee.[79]

According to Barbara Geddes, there are 7 typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of the first 3.[80]

Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian.[79]

Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev and Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro on 25 October 2019

Authoritarian regimes are sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic or populist.[79][additional citation(s) needed] Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules."[79] Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which a strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups."[79] Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón,[79] Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser[79] and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro.[87]

A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes 4 categories:

Lai and Slater argue that single‐party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization, patronage networks and coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing the regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single‐party regimes.[4][3]

John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism, asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism.[88] Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities.[89]

According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes.[90]

Authoritarianism and democracy

Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit, 2022.[91] Green countries are democratic, yellow are hybrid regimes, and red are authoritarian governments.

Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements.[92][unreliable source?][93][94][verification needed] Authoritarian regimes may be partly responsive to citizen grievances, while this is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime.[95][96] An illiberal democracy, or procedural democracy, is distinguished from liberal democracy, or substantive democracy, in that illiberal democracies lack features such as the rule of law, protections for minority groups, an independent judiciary and the real separation of powers.[97][98][99][100]

A further distinction that liberal democracies have "rarely" made war with one another; research has extended the theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have fewer wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes) causing fewer battle deaths with 1 another and that democracies have fewer civil wars.[101][102]

Research shows that the democratic nations have less democide or murder by government. Those were "moderately developed" nations before applying liberal democratic policies.[103] Research by the World Bank suggests that political institutions are "extremely important" in determining the prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are associated with lower corruption.[104]

A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom. The nations with the least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism."[105] Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies."[106] A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties.[106] Magen stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013.[106]

Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes the Southern United States after Reconstruction, and areas of Argentina and Mexico.[107]

Competitive authoritarian regimes

Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of the state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents."[108][109] The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War.[108][110]

Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without a high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power."[108] Competitive authoritarian regimes lack 1 or more of the 3 characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e. the freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse).[111]

Authoritarianism and fascism

Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism[112][113][114][115] and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, while not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist.[116][117][118][119][120][121][122][123][124]

Authoritarianism and totalitarianism

Benito Mussolini, the founder of Italian Fascism, called his regime the "Totalitarian State": "Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State."[125]

Totalitarianism is a label used by political scientists to characterize the most tyrannical strain of authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, sometimes subservient to a dictator, exert near-total control of the social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance.[126]

Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of a variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church, Falange, monarchists, technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support.[74] According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian 1 is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization while totalitarianism seeks to control and utilize them.[70] Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on the work of Yale political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs has examined the characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart:[73]

Totalitarianism Authoritarianism
Charisma High Low
Role conception Leader as function Leader as individual
Ends of power Public Private
Corruption Low High
Official ideology Yes No
Limited pluralism No Yes
Legitimacy Yes No

Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms of autocracy, they differ in 3 key dichotomies:

(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian dictators develop a charismatic "mystique" and a mass-based, pseudo-democratic interdependence with their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic image.

(2) Concomitant role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians. Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely content to control and often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largely teleological. The tyrant is less a person than an indispensable function to guide and reshape the universe.

(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the binding appeal of ideology, authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and granting rewards to loyal collaborators, engendering a kleptocracy.[73]

Kim Il-Sung, founder of North Korea, established an authoritarian regime which was modeled after other totalitarian countries.[127]

Compared to totalitarianism, "the authoritarian state still maintains a certain distinction between state and society. It is only concerned with political power and as long as that is not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty. Totalitarianism, on the other hand, invades private life and asphyxiates it."[128] Another distinction is that "authoritarianism is not animated by utopian ideals in the way totalitarianism is. It does not attempt to change the world and human nature."[128] Carl Joachim Friedrich writes that "a totalist ideology, a party reinforced by a secret police, and monopoly control of ... industrial mass society" are the 3 features of totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies.[128]

Greg Yudin, a professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, argues "political passivity and civic disengagement" are "key features" of authoritarianism, while totalitarianism relies on "mass mobilization, terror and homogeneity of beliefs".[129]

Economic effects

In 2010, Dani Rodrik wrote that democracies outperform autocracies in terms of long-term economic growth, economic stability, adjustments to external economic shocks, human capital investment, and economic equality.[130] A 2019 study by Daron Acemoglu, Suresh Naidu, Pascual Restrepo, and James A. Robinson found that democracy increases GDP per capita by about 20% over the "long-term".[131] According to Amartya Sen, no functioning liberal democracy has ever suffered a large-scale famine.[132] Studies suggest that health indicators (life expectancy and infant and maternal mortality) have a stronger and more significant association with democracy than they have with GDP per capita, size of the public sector or income inequality.[133]

1 of the areas that some scholars have theorized that autocracies may have an advantage, is in industrialization.[134] In the 20th century, Seymour Martin Lipset argued that low-income authoritarian regimes have certain technocratic "efficiency-enhancing advantages" over low-income democracies that gives authoritarian regimes an advantage in economic development.[135] By contrast, Morton H. Halperin, Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M. Weinstein (2005) argue that democracies "realize superior development performance" over authoritarianism, pointing out that poor democracies are more likely to have steadier economic growth and less likely to experience economic and humanitarian catastrophes (such as refugee crises) than authoritarian regimes; that civil liberties in democracies act as a curb on corruption and misuse of resources; and that democracies are more adaptable than authoritarian regimes.[135]

Historical trends

Post-World War II anti-authoritarianism

World War II saw the defeat of the Axis powers by the Allied powers. All the Axis powers (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan) had "totalitarian or authoritarian" governments, and 2 of the 3 were replaced by governments based on democratic constitutions. The Allied powers were an alliance of Democratic states and (later) the Communist Soviet Union. At least in Western Europe the initial post-war era embraced pluralism and freedom of expression in areas that had been under control of authoritarian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was denigrated. The new Federal Republic of Germany banned its expression. In reaction to the centralism of the Nazi state, the new constitution of West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany) exercised "separation of powers" and placed "law enforcement firmly in the hands" of the 16 Länder or states of the republic, not with the federal German government, at least not at first.[136]

Culturally there was a sense of anti-authoritarianism based on anti-fascism in Western Europe. This was attributed to the active resistance from occupation and to fears arising from the development of superpowers.[137] Anti-authoritarianism became associated with countercultural and bohemian movements such as the Beat Generation in the 1950s,[138] the hippies in the 1960s[139] and punks in the 1970s.[140]

In South America, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from dictatorships to democracy between 1982 and 1990.[141]

With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the Soviet Union in 1991, the other authoritarian/totalitarian "half" of the Allied Powers of World War II collapsed. This led not so much to revolt against authority in general, but to the belief that authoritarian states (and state control of economies) were outdated.[142] The idea that "liberal democracy was the final form toward which all political striving was directed"[143] became "very popular" in Western countries and was celebrated in Francis Fukuyama's book The End of History and the Last Man.[143] According to Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all the new states that stumbled out of the ruins of the Soviet bloc, except Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, seemed indeed to be moving towards democracy in the early 1990s" as were the countries of East Central Europe and the Balkans.[144]

In December 2010, the Arab Spring arose in response to unrest over economic stagnation but also in opposition to oppressive authoritarian regimes, first in Tunisia, and spreading to Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and elsewhere. Regimes were toppled in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and partially in Yemen while other countries saw riots, civil wars or insurgencies. In the decade following the Arab Spring, of the countries in which an autocracy was toppled in the Arab spring, "only Tunisia had become a genuine democracy"; Egypt backslid to return to a military-run authoritarian state, while Libya, Syria and Yemen experienced civil wars.[145][146]

2000s authoritarian revival

Since 2005, observers noted what some have called a "democratic recession",[143][147] while some such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have disputed that there was a significant democratic decline before 2013.[147] In 2018, the Freedom House declared that from 2006 to 2018 "113 countries" around the world showed "a net decline" in "political rights and civil liberties" while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement."[148] Its 2020 report marked the 14th consecutive year of declining scores.[149] By 2020, all countries marked as "not free" by Freedom House had developed practices of transnational repression, aiming to police and control dissent beyond state borders.[150]

International trends in
democracy/authoritarianism
countries becoming
more democratic
countries becoming
more authoritarian
1990s 72 3
2021 15 33
source: V-Dem[151][152]

Writing in 2018, American political journalist David Frum stated: "The hopeful world of the very late 20th century – the world of NAFTA and an expanding NATO; of the World Wide Web 1.0 and liberal interventionism; of the global spread of democracy under leaders such as Václav Havel and Nelson Mandela – now looks battered and delusive."[153]

Michael Ignatieff wrote that Fukuyama's idea of liberalism vanquishing authoritarianism "now looks like a quaint artifact of a vanished unipolar moment"[143] and Fukuyama himself expressed concern.[142] By 2018, only 1 Arab Spring uprising (that in Tunisia) resulted in a transition to constitutional democratic governance[154] and a "resurgence of authoritarianism and Islamic extremism" in the region[155] was dubbed the Arab Winter.[156][157][158][159][160]

Explanations have been offered for the new spread of authoritarianism. They include the downside of globalization, and the subsequent rise of populism and neo-nationalism,[161] and the success of the Beijing Consensus, i.e. the authoritarian model of the People's Republic of China.[162] In countries such as the United States, factors blamed for the growth of authoritarianism include the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and slower real wage growth[163][unreliable source?] as well as social media's elimination of so-called "gatekeepers" of knowledge – the equivalent of disintermediation in economics – so that a fraction of the population considers to be opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable facts" – including everything from the danger of global warming to the preventing the spread of disease through vaccination – and considers to be fact what are actually only unproven fringe opinions.[164]

In United States politics, the terms "extreme right", "far-right", and "ultra-right" are labels used to describe "militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism",[165] such as Christian Identity,[165] the Creativity Movement,[165] the Ku Klux Klan,[165] the National Socialist Movement,[165][166][167] the National Alliance,[165] the Joy of Satan Ministries,[166][167] and the Order of Nine Angles.[168] These far-right groups share conspiracist views of power which are overwhelmingly anti-Semitic and reject pluralist democracy in favor of an organic oligarchy that would unite the perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nation.[165][168] The far-right in the United States is composed of Neo-fascist, Neo-Nazi, White nationalist, and White supremacist organizations and networks who have been known to refer to an "acceleration" of racial conflict through violent means such as assassinations, murders, terrorist attacks, and societal collapse, in order to achieve the building of a White ethnostate.[168]

See also

Notes

References

Citations

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Bibliography

  • Linz, Juan J. (1964). "An Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Spain". In Allard, Eric; Littunen, Yrjo. Cleavages, Ideologies and Party Systems. Helsinki: Academic Bookstore.

Further reading

  • Frantz; Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wrights, Joseph (2018). How Dictatorships Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316336182.

External links