Paternalistic conservatism

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Not to be confused with Social conservatism.
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Paternalistic conservatism is a strand of conservatism[1][2] which reflects the belief that societies exist and develop organically and that members within them have obligations towards each other.[3] There is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society. Consistent with principles such as duty, hierarchy and organicism, it can be seen an outgrowth of traditionalist conservatism. Paternalistic conservatives support neither the individual nor the state in principle, but are instead prepared to support either or recommend a balance between the two depending on what is most practical.[4]

Paternalistic conservatism does emphasize the duties of government to entail fairly broad state interventionism to cultivate a good life for all citizens.[5] This leads to a dirigiste path in which the government is envisaged as a benevolent paternal figure setting goals and ensuring fair play and equal opportunity,[5] with a stress on the importance of a social safety net to deal with poverty and support of redistribution of wealth along with government regulation of markets in the interests of both consumers and producers.[6] Although accepting of state intervention, paternalist conservatives are not supportive of anything resembling a command economy.[7]

Paternalistic conservatism first arose as a result of the industrial revolution during the 19th century, which had created social unrest, appalling working conditions and inequality. In Britain, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli's one-nation Toryism sought to deal with these effects.[6][8] In the United Kingdom, there has been a continuation of one-nation conservative governments, such as those of Stanley Baldwin, Neville Chamberlain, Winston Churchill and Harold Macmillan.[9] Additionally during 19th-century in Germany, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck established the first modern welfare state, with the goal of undermining Socialism by gaining working class support.[10] He implemented policies of state-organized compulsory insurance for workers against sickness, accident, incapacity and old age as part of his programme.[11] Leo von Caprivi, another German Chancellor, also promoted a policy called the New Course.[12]

Origins

Paternalist conservatism has its origins in the Industrial Revolution, which had caused widespread inequality, poverty and social discontent.[13] In Britain, Tory politicians such as Richard Oastler, Michael Thomas Sadler and Lord Shaftesbury combined their elitist responsibility and a strong humanitarian element with their involvement on the Factory Acts.[5] Critical of individualism and classical economics,[5] they also disliked the 1834 New Poor Law and believed in the role of the state in guaranteeing decent housing, working conditions, wages and treatment of the poor.[5]

One-nation conservatism

Main article: One-nation conservatism
Benjamin Disraeli, who is widely considered to be the architect of one-nation conservatism

One-nation conservatism was first conceived by Conservative British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli,[14] who presented his political philosophy in two novels, Sybil, Or The Two Nations and Coningsby, published in 1845 and 1844 respectively.[13][15] Disraeli's conservatism proposed a paternalistic society with the social classes intact but the working class receiving support from the well off. Disraeli emphasised the importance of social obligation rather than the individualism that pervaded British society.[14] Disraeli warned that Britain would become divided into two nations (of the rich and poor) as a result of increased industrialisation and inequality.[13] Concerned at that division, he supported measures to improve the lives of the people to provide social support and protect the working classes.[14]

Disraeli justified his ideas by his belief in an organic society in which the different classes have natural obligations to one another.[14] He saw society as naturally hierarchical and emphasised the obligations of those at the top to those below. This was a continuation of the feudal concept of noblesse oblige. which asserted that the aristocracy had an obligation to be generous and honourable. To Disraeli, that implied that government should be paternalistic.[13] One-nation conservatism identifies its approach as pragmatic and non-ideological. There is an acceptance of the need for flexible policies, and one-nation conservatives have often sought compromise with their ideological opponents for the sake of social stability.[16] Disraeli justified his views pragmatically by arguing that should the ruling class become indifferent to the suffering of the people, society would become unstable and social revolution would become a possibility.[14]

19th Century

Germany

Otto von Bismarck, who promoted State Socialism policies as remedial measures to appease the working class and detract support for socialism and the Social Democratic Party of Germany following earlier attempts to achieve the same objective through Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws

The German conservative Lutheran figure Adolf Stoecker founded the Christian Social Workers' Party in 1878 that aimed to align workers with Protestant Christianity and the German monarchy.[17] Stoecker respected existing social hierarchies, but he also desired a state that would be active in protecting the poor and vulnerable citizens.[18] Stoecker on occasion used antisemitic rhetoric to gain support, although he urged supporters to practice Christian love even towards Jews.[18]

Chancellor Bismarck pursued a state-building strategy designed to make ordinary Germans more loyal to the country, implementing the modern welfare state in Germany during the 1880s.[19] Bismarck was also fearful of a socialist revolution so he was created the first welfare state in the modern world, with the goal of gaining working class support that might otherwise go to his Socialist opponents.[10]

He adopted policies of state-organized compulsory insurance for workers to guard against sickness, accident, incapacity and old age in what has been named State Socialism.[11] The term State Socialism was coined by Bismarck's liberal opposition, but it was later accepted by Bismarck.[20] Bismarck was not a socialist and enacted the Anti-Socialist Laws. Bismark's State Socialism was based upon Romantic political thought in which the state was supreme and carried out Bismarck's agenda of supporting "the protest of collectivism against individualism" and of "nationality against cosmopolitanism" and stated that "the duty of the State is to maintain and promote the interests, the well-being of the nation as such".[21] Rather, his actions were designed to offset the growth of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.[11] In addition, the policy of railway nationalization was established after the unification of Germany, bringing transportation under the control of the state.[22][23]

Canada

Main article: Red Tory

A red Tory is an adherent of a political philosophy derived from the Tory tradition, predominantly in Canada, but also in the United Kingdom. This philosophy tends to favour communitarian social policies while maintaining a degree of fiscal discipline and a respect of social and political order.[24] In Canada, red Toryism is found in provincial and federal Conservative political parties. The history of red Toryism marks differences in the development of the political cultures of Canada and the United States. Canadian conservatism and American conservatism have been different from each other in fundamental ways, including their stances on social issues and the role of government in society.[25]

Red Tory governments in Canada, such as those of John A. Macdonald, Robert Borden, R. B. Bennett, and John Diefenbaker, were known for supporting an active role for the government in the economy. This included the creation of government-owned and operated Crown Corporations such as the Canadian National Railway, and the development and protection of Canadian industries with programs such as the National Policy.

France

In Europe, Catholic political movements emerged in the 19th century as a response to widespread deterioration of social conditions and rising anti-clerical and democratic tendencies amongst artisans and workers.[26] It mixed social commitment, paternalistic social welfare and authoritarian patronage from above with deepening popular piety.[27]

In France, the influence of these doctrines can be seen in the conservative socialism of Adrien Albert Marie de Mun and François-René de La Tour du Pin Chambly, marquis de La Charce.

United States

In the United States, Theodore Roosevelt has been the main figure identified with progressive conservatism as a political tradition. Roosevelt stated that he had "always believed that wise progressivism and wise conservatism go hand in hand".[28] Roosevelt's ideas such that of New Nationalism, an extension of his earlier philosophy of the Square Deal, have been described as paternalistic and contrasted with the individualistic New Freedom of progressive Democratic Woodrow Wilson. Wilson's program in practice has been described as resembling the more paternalistic ideas of Roosevelt, excluding the notion of reining in judges.[29] The Republican administration of President William Howard Taft was progressive conservative and he described himself as "a believer in progressive conservatism",[30] with Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower also declaring himself an advocate of "progressive conservatism".[31] The term "Rockefeller Republican" has been used to describe the more paternalistic and moderate members of the Republican Party in contrast to party members of a more ideological nature, such as Barry Goldwater or the New Right more generally.

Perspectives

Main article: Bourgeois socialism

"Bourgeois socialism" and "right-wing socialism"[32][33] are pejorative terms that are used by some free-market conservative and right-libertarian movements and politicians to describe paternalistic conservatism, as they see it supporting paternalism and social solidarity, as opposed to commercialism, individualism and laissez-faire economics.[34][35] They argue that paternalist conservatism supports state promoted social hierarchy and allows certain people and groups to hold higher status in such a hierarchy, which is conservative.[36]

However, although accepting of state intervention, paternalist conservatives usually do not support of anything resembling a command economy or planned economy,[7] or an economy in which there is public control over the means of production, one of the stated goals of socialists. The economy that they support is usually similar to that of social democracy or social market economies.

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Heywood 2015, pp. 34–36.
  2. ^ Gjorshoski 2016.
  3. ^ Heywood 2013, p. 34.
  4. ^ Heywood 2012, p. 80.
  5. ^ a b c d e Vincent 2009, p. 64.
  6. ^ a b Dunleavy, Patrick; Kelly, Paul Joseph; Mora, Michael (2000). British Political Science: Fifty Years of Political Studies. Oxford, England; Malden, Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 107–108.
  7. ^ a b Vincent 2009, p. 79.
  8. ^ Blake, Robert (1967). Disraeli (2nd ed.). London: Eyre & Spottiswoode. p. 524.
  9. ^ Russel, Trevor (1978). The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions and Future. Harmondsworth: Penguinp. p. 167.
  10. ^ a b Steinberg 2011, pp. 8 & 424-444.
  11. ^ a b c Taylor, Alan John Percivale (2001) [1988]. The Course of German History: A Survey of the Development of German History. London, England; New York City, New York: Routledge. p. 149.
  12. ^ Nicholas, John Alden (1958). Germany After Bismarck: The Caprivi Era, 1890–1894, Issue 5. Harvard University Press. p. 260.
  13. ^ a b c d Heywood 2007, pp. 82–83.
  14. ^ a b c d e Dorey 1995, pp. 16–17.
  15. ^ Arnold 2004, p. 96.
  16. ^ Bloor 2012, pp. 41–42.
  17. ^ Dietze, Gottfried (1995). In Defense of Property. Lanham, Maryland; London, England: University Press of America. p. 97.
  18. ^ a b Lindemann, Albert S. (2000). Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews (1st paperback ed.). Cambridge, England; New York City, New York; Melbourne, Australia; Madrid, Spain: Cambridge University Press. p. 145.
  19. ^ Steinberg 2011, pp. 416–417.
  20. ^ Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2002). Bismarck. Routeledge. p. 221. ISBN 978-0415216142.
  21. ^ Harris (1989), p. 442.
  22. ^ Henderson, William (1975). The Rise of German Industrial Power, 1834–1914. University of California Press. p. 207. ISBN 978-0-5200-3073-2.
  23. ^ Croly, Herbert (1911). The Promise of American Life. Macmillan. p. 250.
  24. ^ "Red Tory". Collins English Dictionary. Retrieved 14 January 2020. [A] Conservative who holds liberal or mildly socialist views on certain fiscal and social issues.
  25. ^ "Conservatism". The Canadian Encyclopedia.
  26. ^ Eley (1997), p. 174.
  27. ^ Eley (1997), pp. 174–175.
  28. ^ Lurie, Jonathan (2011). William Howard Taft: The Travails of a Progressive Conservative. New York City: Cambridge University Press. p. 196. ISBN 9781139502177.
  29. ^ Kraig, Robert Alexander (2000). "The 1912 Election and the Rhetorical Foundations of the Liberal State". Rhetoric and Public Affairs. 3 (3): 363–395. doi:10.1353/rap.2010.0042. JSTOR 41940243.
  30. ^ Lurie, Jonathan (2012). William Howard Taft: The Travails of a Progressive Conservative. New York City: Cambridge University Press. p. ix.
  31. ^ Kutler, Stanley I. "Eisenhower, the Judiciary, and Desegregation". In Ambrose, Stephen E.; Bischof, Günter, eds. (1995). Eisenhower: A Centenary Assessment. Louisiana State University Press. p. 98.
  32. ^ Rothbard, Murray (2010). Left, Right, and the Prospects for Liberty. Auburn, Alabama: Mises Institute. p. 19.
  33. ^ Huerta de Soto 2010, p. 80.
  34. ^ Viereck (2006), p. 74.
  35. ^ Huerta de Soto 2010, pp. 79–80.
  36. ^ Huerta de Soto 2010, p. 79.

Bibliography

Further reading

  • Eley, Geoff (1997). Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930 (1st paperback ed.). University of Michigan.
  • Paxton, Robert O. (1975). Europe in the Twentieth Century. Harcourt Brace College Publishers.
  • Paxton, Robert O.; Julie Hessler (2011) [2005]. Europe in the Twentieth Century. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.
  • Sternhell, Ze'ev (1986). Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (2nd ed.). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
  • Viereck, Peter (2006). Conservative Thinkers: From John Adams to Winston Churchill. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers.
  • Weitz, Eric D. (2007). Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

External links

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