John I Albert
John I Albert | |
---|---|
![]() John Albert's tomb effigy at Wawel Cathedral | |
King of Poland | |
Reign | 27 August 1492 – 17 June 1501 |
Coronation | 23 September 1492 |
Predecessor | Casimir IV |
Successor | Alexander I |
Born | 27 December 1459 Kraków, Kingdom of Poland |
Died | 17 June 1501 Toruń, Kingdom of Poland | (aged 41)
Burial | July 1501 Wawel Cathedral, Kraków |
Dynasty | Jagiellon |
Father | Casimir IV of Poland |
Mother | Elizabeth of Austria |
Religion | Roman Catholic |
John I Albert (Polish: Jan I Olbracht; 27 December 1459 – 17 June 1501) was King of Poland from 1492 until his death in 1501 and Duke of Głogów (Glogau) from 1491 to 1498. He was the fourth Polish sovereign from the Jagiellonian dynasty, the son of Casimir IV and his wife Elizabeth of Austria.
As a kin to the House of Habsburg, John Albert was groomed to become emperor in the Holy Roman Empire, a plan which ultimately failed. He was well-educated and tutored by scholars such as Johannes Longinus and Callimachus, whom he subsequently befriended. Heavily influenced by the Italian Renaissance, John sought to strengthen royal authority at the expense of the Catholic Church and the clergy. In 1487, he lead a force against the Ottoman Empire and defeated the Tatars of the Crimean Khanate during the early phase of the Polish–Ottoman War. In the aftermath of the Bohemian–Hungarian War, John unsuccessfully attempted to usurp Hungary from his elder brother Vladislaus but was instead granted the Duchy of Głogów to calm his ambition.
John ascended to the Polish throne in 1492 whilst his younger brother Alexander was elected Grand Duke of Lithuania by an independent Lithuanian assembly, thus temporarily breaking a personal union between the two nations. He was proclaimed king through an oral ballot orchestrated by Cardinal Frederick Jagiellon. To secure his succession against the Piast princes from the Duchy of Masovia, he dispatched an army to the electoral proceedings which alienated the higher nobles and magnates. He later invaded Masovia to deprive Konrad III of his ancestral holdings and curtail internal opposition to his rule. In 1497, John Albert launched a personal crusade into Moldavia to uphold Polish suzerainty, establish control over Black Sea ports and dethrone Stephen III in favour of John Albert's brother Sigismund. The campaign's failure greatly hindered Polish expansion into southeastern Europe.
John Albert remains a largely forgotten and overlooked figure in Polish historiography. His relatively short reign ended in a major military setback, and he was criticised during his lifetime for embracing absolutism and attempting to centralise the government. He is credited for creating a bicameral parliament comprising the Senate and the Sejm, which granted lower-class gentry the right of expression in the matters of state. Conversely, he limited the movement of peasants, confining them to nobles' estates for life.
Early life, 1459–1492
Birth and family
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/31/Kr%C3%B3l_Kazimierz_Jagiello%C5%84czyk_z_kr%C3%B3low%C4%85_El%C5%BCbiet%C4%85_i_ich_dzieci.jpg/185px-Kr%C3%B3l_Kazimierz_Jagiello%C5%84czyk_z_kr%C3%B3low%C4%85_El%C5%BCbiet%C4%85_i_ich_dzieci.jpg)
John was born on 27 December 1459 at Wawel Castle in Kraków, which at the time served as the seat of Polish monarchs.[1] He was one of thirteen children and the third son born to Casimir IV Jagiellon and Elizabeth Habsburg.[2] His mother was the second daughter of Albert II, Duke of Austria and subsequently King of Bohemia, Hungary and Croatia.[3] Through his matrilineal lineage, John was the nephew of Ladislaus the Posthumous and kin to German royalty.[4] It was the long ambition of his Jagiellonian predecessors to install a male member of their dynasty as Emperor in the Holy Roman Empire.[5] Thus, John received the name Albert at christening to honour his maternal grandfather and in the hope of securing his candidacy to the Imperial throne.[6] However, any attempts at bolstering his prospects of becoming Emperor proved futile.[7]
Paternally, John was the grandson of Jogaila, the pagan ruler of Lithuania who upon the marriage to Jadwiga (Hedwig) adopted Catholicism, converted his native people to Christianity and was crowned King of Poland as Władysław II Jagiełło in 1386.[8] Subsequently, his descendants held a strong claim to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.[9] However, the Lithuanian lords were at first apprehensive in forming a union with Poland. The Lithuanian nobility and minorities feared that merging the two countries would threaten their sovereignty.[10] The Poles were also dissatisfied as the Jagiellonians possessed no blood relations with their predecessors, the Piasts, who de facto ruled since the creation of statehood in AD 966.[11] In the wake of Jogaila's death, his eldest son Ladislaus III succeeded him in Poland and his younger son Casimir in Lithuania. It was Ladislaus' fall at the Battle of Varna in 1444 which enabled Casimir's lineage and sons to become the potential successors to both titles.[12] John's father was reluctant in accepting the Polish crown and only did so when his opponents, Bolesław IV of Warsaw and Frederick II, Elector of Brandenburg, strengthened their efforts.[13][14] Raised abroad, he was initially branded as illegitimate by the Poles and was influenced by the Lithuanian nobility, whom he supported in their calls for a separate state.[15]
John's right to the throne came entirely by coincidence. His eldest brother, Vladislaus, was destined to inherit his father's expansive realm. This changed when in neighbouring Bohemia the disgraced and excommunicated Hussite king George of Poděbrady promised to make Vladislaus his heir if Casimir negotiated a peace treaty with Matthias Corvinus of Hungary.[16] The mediation between the two failed, but when George died in 1471 the Bohemian Diet elected him King of Bohemia.[17] Prince Casimir and future saint was designated the new heir apparent in Poland, however, he fell ill with tuberculosis and died in 1484.[18] Vladislaus inherited both kingdoms in the aftermath of the Bohemian–Hungarian War (1468–1478) and following Matthias' death in 1490.[19] Certain factions questioned this outcome and in turn voiced support for a strong-minded John, who decided to act.[20] He briefly invaded Hungary but was defeated by his brother at Košice (1491) and again at Prešov (1492), after which he forcibly returned to Poland.[21][22] In spite of the usurpation attempt, the bond between the two siblings remained unhindered – in 1491 Vladislaus granted John the Duchy of Głogów (Glogau) to satisfy his ambition and permitted him to keep the title for life.[23]
Education
Drawing from his personal experience, Casimir IV was determined to educate all his sons equally and prepare them to assume the role of a monarch.[24] In September 1467, chronicler and historian Johannes Longinus (Polish: Jan Długosz) had been entrusted with tutoring the royal children, including young John.[25] Longinus, a deeply spiritual man, made sure that the princes were raised with great care and in accordance with church laws.[26] John and his brother Alexander frequently took part in visits to the tombs of past kings and queens, aim of which was to strengthen their love and allegiance to Poland.[27] Latin and German, law, history, rhetoric, and classical literature were part of the rigid curriculum.[28] According to Stanisław Orzechowski, John was subjected to corporal punishment which was encouraged by his father.[29]
The Italian humanist and diplomat Filippo Buonaccorsi, known as Callimachus or Kallimach, exercised immense authority and influence over John in his early years and during his reign.[30] Favoured by the court and particularly by Queen Elizabeth, he quickly rose to become the royal advisor and mentor.[31] Buonaccorsi was described as more lenient and moderate than Longinus; he amended the syllabus with chess, sports and ancient studies concerning the works of Cicero and Virgil.[32] Many of his radical for the time ideas and theories were later supported by John, such as limiting the power of the clergy and centralising the government.[33] He further argued for the strengthening of the king's authority at the expense of the nobility and inconspicuously advocated for the split with Rome.[34]
Buonaccorsi's appeal extended beyond politics and diplomacy; he befriended John and remained his most trusted courtier until his death in 1496.[35]
Reign, 1492–1501
Accession, 1492
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/83/Chronica_Polonorum%2C_Ioannes_Albertus.jpg/185px-Chronica_Polonorum%2C_Ioannes_Albertus.jpg)
In accordance with the Union of Horodło (1413), Lithuania was to elect the Grand Duke by its own independent assembly of nobles in Vilnius.[36] In turn, the Polish Crown Diet was obliged to nominate the King of Poland. These titles could be shared by one individual, whose election is confirmed by both assemblies. On his deathbed, Casimir IV requested that John is to succeed him in the Crown and Alexander Jagiellon in the Grand Duchy.[37] Lithuanian dignitaries were satisfied with the proposition, however, a cluster of Polish nobility wished to continue the personal union between the two countries and initially opted for Alexander.[38]
An electoral tribunal convened on 15 August 1492 in the city of Piotrków.[39] The assembled nobles were to decide which candidate should ascend the throne. John's successful 1487 engagement during the Polish–Ottoman War (1485–1503) against the Crimean Khanate and its Tatar units in the far east was a considerable determinant.[40] Others pointed out his failed intervention in Hungary against his brother.[41] Personal characteristics also made the nobles agitated; although intelligent, John Albert was often described as supercilious and intolerably arrogant.[42] In consequence, the Tęczyński and Leszczyński magnates voiced their support for John's younger brother Sigismund, distinguished by his intellect and presumed chastity.[43]
The tribunal was marked by quarrels between highly-elevated members of state and it was their course of action that determined the outcome.[44] A considerable threat to the assembly were Janusz II of Płock and his brother Konrad, escorted a company of 1,000 hardline soldiers sent from the Duchy of Masovia.[45][46] Janusz's candidacy was endorsed by a strictly covert contingent of conservatives, whose intention was to restore the ancient House of Piast on the Polish throne. Zbigniew Oleśnicki, Primate of Poland, was part of that faction, but was unable to attend due to poor health.[47] Thereby, the Queen Dowager Elizabeth nominated her acquiescent son, Frederick Jagiellon, to lead the proceedings in his stead.[48]
An army of 1,600 men was dispatched to counter Janusz and Konrad if their troops resorted to violence.[49] Meanwhile, John preoccupied himself with negotiations and aimed to procure the Prussian vote by recognising Lucas Watzenrode as the new Prince-Bishop of Warmia (Ermland).[50] In the end, it was Frederick's personal intervention that secured the crown for John, who was unanimously proclaimed king by an oral ballot amongst the shrieks of nobles on 27 August 1492.[51][52] A courier carried the news to the burghers of Kraków, which brought great joy to the townsfolk and prompted a bonfire celebration.[53] The entourage then hurried to the capital, where he was crowned at Wawel Cathedral just less than a month later, on 23 September, by his ailing adversary Oleśnicki.[54]
John Albert's first months as king were unsettling and marred by insecurities. The Masovian Dukes still posed a considerable threat and placed his reign in jeopardy, with Masovia being independent from Poland at the time.[55] In December 1492, John turned to Vladislaus and formed a much needed military alliance with Hungary against common foes.[56] The brothers pledged mutual assistance and vowed to quell any opposition that undermined their rule.[57]
Creation of parliament, 1493
Constitutionalism and parliamentary tendencies in Poland date back to the Late Middle Ages, when Louis I issued the 1374 Privilege of Koszyce, granting the nobility concessions (tax reductions) and prerogatives in return for favours or military support.[58] Earlier attempts at unifying lower-class gentry with the high magnates into a single political entity were largely unsuccessful.[59] Nobles of lower social status objected to the judiciary practices superintended by their upper class counterparts, which caused much discontent.[60] A major breakthrough came in 1454, when John's father, Casimir, approved the Statutes of Nieszawa which obligated the monarch to seek advice from the gentry and sejmiks (regional land councils) before taking action.[61] According to Aleksander Gieysztor, the statutes acted as a counterweight to the oligarchy cultivated by the magnates and paved way for an early parliamentary system.[62]
Prior to the establishment of a long-lasting legislative body of government, the Polish king would summon a so-called curia regis which had no real authority over the sovereign.[63] Its permanent members comprised the consiliarii – trusted courtiers and loyal dignitaries, personally selected by the reigning monarch.[64] Under John Albert, the curia regis slowly transformed itself into the Senate of Poland.[65] There were also changes in conventional practices. For instance, Casimir IV first debated with his close council and then travelled to individual provincial sejmiks.[66] John, on the other hand, called the sejmiks' representatives from across the country to gather and create a single unified assembly.[67]
In January 1493, the first parliament composed of two chambers convened in Piotrków, which would host successive tribunals and parliament sittings long into the 16th century.[68] The Sejm summoned on 18 January, however, the precise inauguration date is difficult to determine as the king stayed in Kraków until 13 January, and subsequently left for the town of Nowy Korczyn where the Lesser Polish nobility gathered on the 15th of the same month.[69] He then returned to the capital before departing for Miechów and finally arriving in Piotrków no later than 28 January.[70] It is, therefore, widely regarded that John's entourage and the Lesser Polish lords arrived late to the parliament.[71] Historian Antoni Walawender outlined that the weather conditions were not to blame as the January of 1493 appeared relatively warm and dry.[72] The delay may have been attributed to the extensive distance covered (approximately 40–50 kilometres a day) as well as to the festivities and welcoming ceremonies in each town his royal cortège passed.[73] On 2 March the king issued a universal act on taxation and closed the assembly on 3 March.[74]
Expelling Jews from Kraków, 1494–1495
In June 1494, a fire broke out in Kraków during the visit of a Turkish envoy.[75] Panic arose when the Church of Saint Mark and nearby homes became engulfed in flames.[76] Commoners began to speculate and blamed the Jews for the inferno.[77] Jewish-owned enterprises and dwellings were then pillaged, soon followed by riots against the city's Jewish community.[78] In the same year, the Jewish inhabitants, jointly with the city council representatives and burghers, lodged their complaints before John Albert in a private audience.[79] John initially held the Jews in contempt and incarcerated leaders of the Jewish community, but was persuaded by Callimachus to release them shortly after.[80] According to Byron Sherwin, instrumental in coercing the king was a Jewish woman by the name of Rachel who was the lady-in-waiting to Queen Mother Elizabeth.[81] In 1495, John issued an edict whereby he expelled Jews from Kraków and forcibly relocated them in the adjacent township of Kazimierz, which became one of Poland's primary centres of Judaism.[82] However, chroniclers from the period make no mention of an expulsion; Martin Kromer suggested that the relocation was in part voluntary and for the benefit of the Jews who faced persecution from Christians.[83]
Intervention in Masovia, 1495–1496
John desired to assert royal power over Poland's fiefdoms, most notably the Duchy of Masovia, whose Piast rulers held closer ties to the Gediminids and were allied with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.[84] The Jagiellonians perceived the duchy as a quasi-state and a "blot" on their absolute sovereignty over East-Central Europe.[85] John was also a staunch supporter of imposing Polonisation into Poland's spheres of influence, including Masovia and Monastic Prussia.[86]
When Duke Janusz II died heirless in February 1495, his brother Konrad hurried in securing his disputed succession by sending out troops to fortify Masovian castles.[87] He failed in deterring Polish ambitions; John soon assembled a small force which marched into Masovia and occupied the ecclesiastical city of Płock, the region's primary bishopric.[88] Cardinal Frederick then prevented local canons from obtaining office and installed Jan Lubrański as bishop.[89] Fearing escalation, Konrad ordered his men to stand down, paving way for the Jagiellons to uphold their claim to Masovia.[90] A year later, Konrad paid homage to John at Piotrków, where, for insubordination, he was deprived of most holdings and hereditary possessions.[91]
Invasion of Moldavia, 1497–1499
John desired to pose as the champion of Christendom against the Ottoman Turks, whilst regaining lost ports near the Black Sea (Cetatea Albă and Chilia)[92][93] and strengthening suzerainty over Moldavia. His paramount aim was to forcibly install his younger brother, Sigismund, on the Moldavian throne.[94] Circumstances seemed, moreover, to favour the Poles. In his brother Vladislaus he found a counterpoise to the machinations of Emperor Maximilian I, who in 1492 had concluded an alliance against him with Ivan III of Russia. As suzerain of Moldavia, John Albert was favourably situated for attacking the Turks. At the conference of Leutschau (1494), the details of the expedition were arranged between the kings of Poland and Hungary and Elector John Cicero of Brandenburg. However, John's plan to dethrone Stephen III in favour of Sigismund was met with staunch resistance from the Hungarians.[95]
In May 1496, John raised civil taxes to finance the forthcoming campaign.[96] The true motive behind his personal crusade was concealed and all religious dimensions were excluded.[97] In turn, national defence and preventing an Ottoman incursion were chosen as the most suitable cause.[98] This false narrative was conveyed to the people through tax proclamations.[99] In August 1497, tax levies equivalent to 25 percent of ecclesiastical incomes were demanded from the clergy by Cardinal Frederick Jagiellon to support his brother.[100] By the summer of 1497, John assembled a strong army numbering some 80,000 men, supported by heavy artillery.[101] Stephen III attempted to prevent John and the Poles from crossing into Moldavia.[102][103][104] Endorsed by Ivan III, he persuaded John's brother Alexander not to partake in the campaign.[105][106] As reported by the Bychowiec Chronicle, the Lithuanian nobles condemned Poland's actions and refused to set foot on Moldavian territory.[107]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/0c/2015_Krak%C3%B3w%2C_Barbakan_02.jpg/300px-2015_Krak%C3%B3w%2C_Barbakan_02.jpg)
The Polish army marched across the river Dniester and invaded Moldavia in August 1497.[108] The Ottoman Sultan then sent reinforcements of about 600 men mostly comprising Janissaries[109][110] who joined Stephen's forces stationed at Roman, in modern-day Romania.[111] His final attempts to halt the Polish advance proved futile. The Moldavian chancellor, sent on a peacekeeping mission to the Polish camp, tried to convince the Poles to withdraw from the country, but John refused and had him confined.[112][113] The unsuccessful attack on Suceava lasting from 24 September to 19 October curtailed John's ambitions.[114][115] Plague and lack of reinforcements from the Teutonic Knights pressured the Poles to disengage.[116] The siege was finally lifted when Vladislaus sent a Hungarian army counting some 12,000 men to protect Stephen's holdings.[117][118] At the Battle of the Cosmin Forest in Bukovina, the Moldavians routed the retreating Poles, whose heavy cavalry was unable to charge in thick woodland.[119][120][121] The attack led to significant casualties, disorder and a loss of prestige for the Polish and levied armies.[122] John eventually agreed to a humiliating truce in 1499 and recognised Stephen as his equal rather than a feudal dependent.[123]
The defeat in Moldavia incited raids into Polish territory, largely conducted by Tatars and other irregulars.[124] In July 1498, Turkish marauders of Malkoçoğlu Balı Bey crossed into Podolia and reached as far west as Lwów, pillaging the city's environs.[125] Fearing a retaliatory attack by the Moldavians or the Ottoman Empire, John ordered the construction of new defensive fortifications, including what became one of Poland's most recognisable monuments, the Kraków Barbican.[126]
Dispute with Teutonic Knights, 1499–1501
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/54/Friedrich_von_Sachsen%2C_1473%E2%80%931510_%28AT_KHM_GG4809%29.jpg/230px-Friedrich_von_Sachsen%2C_1473%E2%80%931510_%28AT_KHM_GG4809%29.jpg)
The ceding of Prussia to Poland as a royal dependency in the aftermath of the Thirteen Years' War (1454–1466) caused great animosity between the Teutonic State and the Polish Crown, even when the two were allies.[127] Tensions escalated further when John Albert tried to secure his brother Frederick as Watzenrode's successor in the Holy See.[128]
After the death of Johann von Tiefen, the Teutonic Order proclaimed Friedrich Wettin von Sachsen as the new Grand Master (Hochmeister).[129] Unlike his predecessor, Friedrich disregarded the Second Peace of Thorn of 1466 and refused to render homage to the Polish Crown.[130] In 1499, he rejected John's request to partake in a Sejm sitting at Piotrków, claiming that his absence stemmed from troubled domestic affairs.[131] He then referred the matter to the Imperial Diet. Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, permitted Friedrich to aid Poland when called but insisted that he refrains from searing oath of allegiance to the Polish king, instead maintaining "friendly" and "neighbourly" relations.[132]
According to Jędrzej Moraczewski, John Albert demanded on five occasions that the Teutonic Knights pledge reverence and submission.[133] When Maximilian denounced the Peace of Thorn, asserting that it was neither approved by the Empire nor the Holy See, John mobilised a force with heavy artillery and set out to Toruń (Thorn) in 1501 where the accords were initially signed.[134] Friedrich dismissed the ultimatum to appear before John, but sent representatives on his behalf to negotiate.[135] Fearing a major regional conflict, George, Duke of Saxony and John's brother-in-law by marriage to Barbara Jagiellon, entrusted the Catholic Bishop of Meissen with mediating between the Poles and the Teutonic Knights.[136] However, the negotiations stalled when John died unexpectedly.[137]
Death and burial
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/fe/Poland-01776_-_King_Jan_Olbracht_%2831743817250%29.jpg/300px-Poland-01776_-_King_Jan_Olbracht_%2831743817250%29.jpg)
The catastrophic Moldavian Campaign was a major blunder which psychologically scarred John Albert for life and likely affected his health.[138] He died suddenly on 17 June 1501 in Toruń, where he agreed to negotiate with the Teutonic Knights.[139] The most likely cause of death was syphilis, though the monarch also suffered from other ailments and battle wounds.[140] The king's body was embalmed for the journey, and on 29 June, the funeral cortège left Toruń for the royal capital of Kraków.[141] His heart was embedded inside the Toruń Cathedral, but its exact location remains unknown.[142]
John was laid to rest on 28 July 1501 at Wawel Cathedral in Kraków, in one of the dedicated chapels adjacent to the cathedral's nave.[143] The Late Gothic red-marble headstone with the king's effigy and ledger was sculpted by Stanisław Stwosz, the son of Veit Stoss.[144] From 1502 to 1505, Francesco Fiorentino created an Early Renaissance niche and archway, based on Leonardo Bruni's tomb at the Basilica of Santa Croce in Florence.[145] The tomb's resemblance to a triumphal arch was said to be an allusion to the imperial pretensions of John Albert and the Jagiellonian dynasty in general.[146] It is widely regarded as the first Renaissance composition in Poland and a breakthrough in Polish architecture.[147]
Personal life and assessment
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/68/Jan_I_Olbracht_by_Bacciarelli.jpg/180px-Jan_I_Olbracht_by_Bacciarelli.jpg)
Unlike Alexander, John was not easily swayed and held firm views on the matters of state.[148] 19th-century historians called him a "valiant soldier, but no commander".[149] Józef Ignacy Kraszewski emphasized the king's interest in militarism and absolutism, which stemmed from his education supervised by radical Callimachus.[150] To win support for the Moldavian Campaign, John was compelled to appease the nobility.[151] In 1496, the townspeople were forbidden to own land and the freedom of movement for peasants was abolished.[152] The nobles would profit from the non-migrating peasants tied to the land and serfdom-based manorial estates called folwarks.[153] This greatly hindered the development of Polish towns and cities in comparison with their Western European counterparts, and resulted in low urbanisation rates across the country.[154]
John Albert never married and remained a lifelong bachelor.[155] It is uncertain whether he fathered any illegitimate children, however, it is evident that the king was a libertine who lead a promiscuous life. Even during his lifetime John was known to be a notorious womaniser and a dissolute.[156] Maciej Miechowita writes that he "indulged in [sexual] pleasures and desires like a warrior",[157] and Martin Kromer noted his "insistence on carnal and affectionless love".[158] However, Kromer did also point out his ambition, occasional wit and intelligence.[159] He was known to be shrewd and gifted in languages, which assisted him in diplomacy.[160] Privately, he enjoyed banqueting, hunting and frequent drinking, which encouraged chroniclers to brand him as a drunkard.[161][162] Accounts of John strolling intoxicated in the alleyways of Kraków and engaging in public brawls cannot be substantially justified due to the lack of evidence.[163]
During their encounter, Miechowita described John as "tall, brown-eyed, with reddish skin on the face [...] he was quick in movement and girded with a smallsword".[164]
John's unusually large court was the biggest of any Polish monarch; it numbered around 1,600 knights and courtiers.[165]
Ancestry
Ancestors of John I Albert[166] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Family tree
See also
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg/30px-Commons-logo.svg.png)
References
Citations
- ^ Spórna 2006, p. 160
- ^ Spórna 2006, p. 160
- ^ Wyczański 1987, p. 64
- ^ Wyczański 1987, p. 64
- ^ Boczkowska 1993, pp. 259–264
- ^ Olkiewicz 1981, p. 120
- ^ Boczkowska 1993, pp. 259–264
- ^ Thomson 1963, p. 191
- ^ Stone 2014, pp. 23–24
- ^ Święch-Płonka 2004, p. 11
- ^ Dobosz 1999, p. 158
- ^ Stone 2014, pp. 23–24
- ^ Wierzbicki, Spórna & Wygonik 2003, p. 88
- ^ Nadolski 1961, p. 29
- ^ Stone 2014, p. 23
- ^ Dobraczyński 1970, p. 290
- ^ Dobraczyński 1970, p. 290
- ^ Kłoczowski 1998, p. 119
- ^ Kłoczowski 1998, p. 120
- ^ Wierzbicki, Spórna & Wygonik 2003, p. 195
- ^ Sroka 2005, pp. 34–35
- ^ Szujski 1894, p. 150
- ^ Papée 1936, p. 22
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 280
- ^ Bobrzyński & Smolka 1893, pp. 122
- ^ Bobrzyński & Smolka 1893, pp. 124–125
- ^ Bobrzyński & Smolka 1893, pp. 124–125
- ^ Duczmal 2012, p. 302
- ^ Duczmal 2012, p. 303
- ^ Breza 1891, p. 69
- ^ Borzemski 1928, p. 2
- ^ Kraszewski 1888, pp. 217–218
- ^ Breza 1891, pp. 69–70
- ^ Polska Akademia Nauk 1954, p. 133
- ^ Breza 1891, p. 71
- ^ Stadnicki 1880, p. 37
- ^ Stadnicki 1880, pp. 37–40
- ^ Szujski 1889, p. 153
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 210
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 210
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 210
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 210
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 152
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 152
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 211
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 152
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 211
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 152
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 152
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 212
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Albertrandy 1827, p. 212
- ^ Szujski n.d., pp. 153–154
- ^ Szujski n.d., p. 153
- ^ Szujski n.d., pp. 153–154
- ^ Boucoyannis 2021, p. 222
- ^ Boucoyannis 2021, p. 222
- ^ Boucoyannis 2021, p. 222
- ^ Boucoyannis 2021, p. 223
- ^ Boucoyannis 2021, p. 223
- ^ Benni 1876, p. 11
- ^ Benni 1876, p. 9
- ^ Benni 1876, p. 10
- ^ Sejm 1993, p. 19
- ^ Sejm 1993, p. 19
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 83–84
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 84
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 84
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 84–85
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 85
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 85
- ^ Sejm 1993, pp. 87
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Sherwin 1997, pp. 61–62
- ^ Sherwin 1997, p. 61
- ^ Teller, Teter & Polonsky 2022, p. 175
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 376
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 376
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Nowakowska 2017
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 376
- ^ Frost 2015, pp. 280, 281
- ^ Papacostea 1996, p. 64
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 281
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 281
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 132
- ^ Eșanu 2013, pp. 137–138, 140
- ^ Papacostea 1996, pp. 65–66
- ^ Cristea 2016, pp. 315, 319
- ^ Eșanu 2013, pp. 137–138, 140
- ^ Papacostea 1996, p. 66
- ^ Cristea 2016, p. 319
- ^ Nowakowska 2017, p. 132
- ^ Nowakowska 2017, p. 132
- ^ Gemil 2013, p. 40
- ^ Demciuc 2004, p. 11
- ^ Nowakowska 2017, p. 132
- ^ Demciuc 2004, p. 11
- ^ Demciuc 2004, p. 11
- ^ Grabarczyk 2010
- ^ Maasing 2015, p. 362
- ^ Nowakowska 2017, pp. 132–133
- ^ Eagles 2014, p. 63
- ^ Demciuc 2004, p. 11
- ^ Grabarczyk 2010
- ^ Nowakowska 2017, p. 133
- ^ Stone 2014, p. 33
- ^ Stone 2014, p. 33
- ^ Demciuc 2004, p. 11.
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 135
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 135
- ^ Nowakowska 2007, p. 50
- ^ Nowakowska 2007, p. 50
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, pp. 206–207
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, pp. 207–208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, pp. 207–208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 207
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 208
- ^ Moraczewski 1862, p. 208
- ^ Stone 2014, pp. 32–33
- ^ Gassendi & Thill 2002, p. 44
- ^ Stone 2014, pp. 32–33
- ^ Biskup 1992, p. 170
- ^ Biskup & Domasłowski 2003, p. 166
- ^ Biskup 1992, p. 170
- ^ Knox 1971, p. 14
- ^ Rundle 2012, p. 143
- ^ Labno 2011, p. 131
- ^ Suchodolski 1973, p. 150
- ^ Janicki 2021
- ^ Kraszewski 1888, p. 226
- ^ Kraszewski 1888, pp. 226–228
- ^ Dabrowski 2014, p. 80
- ^ Dabrowski 2014, p. 80
- ^ Dabrowski 2014, p. 80
- ^ Dabrowski 2014, p. 80
- ^ Janicki 2021
- ^ Bokajło 1993, p. 253
- ^ Szwarc 2007, p. 289
- ^ Bokajło 1993, p. 253
- ^ Bokajło 1993, p. 253
- ^ Housley 2004, p. 130
- ^ Rożek 2008, p. 299
- ^ Kraszewski 1888, p. 226
- ^ Rożek 2008, p. 299
- ^ Biber 2000, p. 79
- ^ Biber 2000, p. 79
- ^ Duczmal 1996
Bibliography
- Albertrandy, Jan (1827). Panowanie Kazimierza Jagiellończyka, króla polskiego i.w. księcia litewskiego (in Polish). Vol. 2. Warsaw (Warszawa): A. Brzezina. OCLC 785885479.
- Benni, Herman (1876). Ateneum (in Polish). Warszawa (Warsaw): Józef Unger. OCLC 839145359.
- Biber, Tomasz (2000). Encyklopedia Polska 2000. Poczet władców (in Polish). Poznań: Podsiedlik-Raniowski. ISBN 9788372123077.
- Biskup, Marian (1992). Historia Torunia. T. 2, cz. 1, U schyłku średniowiecza i w początkach odrodzenia (1454-1548) (in Polish). Toruń: Society of Arts and Sciences. ISBN 9788385196181. OCLC 69518168.
- Biskup, Marian; Domasłowski, Jerzy (2003). Bazylika Katedralna Świętych Janów w Toruniu (in Polish). Toruń: Society of Arts and Sciences. ISBN 9788387639594. OCLC 69581696.
- Bobrzyński, Michał; Smolka, Stanisław (1893). Jan Długosz; jego życie i stanowisko w piśmiennictwie (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawn. K. Przeździeckiego. ISBN 9788376762029.
- Boczkowska, Anna (1993). Herkules i Dawid z rodu Jagiellonów (in Polish). Warszawa: Arx Regia, Ośrodek Wydawniczy Zamku Królewskiego w Warszawie. ISBN 8370220274.
- Bokajło, Wiesław (1993). Proces narodowościowej transformacji Dolnoślązaków do początków XX wieku (in Polish). Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski. ISBN 9788322909751.
- Borzemski, Antoni (1928). Siły zbrojne w wołoskiej wojnie Jana Olbrachta (in Polish). Polska: Towarzystwo Naukowe & Napoleon V. ISBN 9788381780834.
- Boucoyannis, Deborah (2021). Kings as Judges. Power, Justice, and the Origins of Parliaments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107162792.
- Breza, Adam (1891). Literatura polska (in Polish). Vol. Część 1. Warszawa (Warsaw): Gebethner i Wolff. OCLC 557726238.
- Cristea, Ovidiu (2016). "Guerre, Histoire et Mémoire en Moldavie au temps d'Étienne le Grand (1457–1504)". In Păun, Radu G. (ed.). Histoire, mémoire et dévotion. Regards croisés sur la construction des identités dans le monde orthodoxe aux époques byzantine et post-byzantine. La Pomme d'or. pp. 305–344. ISBN 978-2-9557042-0-2.
- Czerny, Franciszek (1871). Panowanie Jana Olbrachta i Aleksandra Jagiellończyków (1492-1506) (in Polish). Kraków: "Czas" W. Kirchmayer, F. Czerny. OCLC 699877821.
- Dabrowski, Patrice M. (2014). Poland. The First Thousand Years. New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 9781501757402.
- Demciuc, Vasile M. (2004). "Domnia lui Ștefan cel Mare. Repere cronologice". Codrul Cosminului (10): 3–12. ISSN 1224-032X.
- Dobosz, Józef (1999). Słownik władców polskich (in Polish). Poznań: Wydawn. Poznańskie. ISBN 9788371771200.
- Dobraczyński, Jan (1970). Rozdarty kościół (in Polish). Warszawa (Warsaw): Instytut Wydaw. Pax. ISBN 8321112706.
- Duczmal, Małgorzata (1996). Jagiellnowie. Leksykon biograficzny (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie. ISBN 9788308025772.
- Duczmal, Małgorzata (2012). Jogailaičiai (in Lithuanian). translated by Birutė Mikalonienė and Vyturys Jarutis. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos centras. ISBN 9785420017036.
- Eagles, Jonathan (2014). Stephen the Great and Balkan Nationalism: Moldova and Eastern European History. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-78076-353-8.
- Eșanu, Valentina (2013). "Luca Arbore în misiuni diplomatice ale lui Ștefan cel Mare". Akademos (4): 136–141. ISSN 1857-0461.
- Frost, Robert (2015). The Oxford History of Poland-Lithuania, Volume I: The Making of the Polish-Lithuanian Union, 1385–1569. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198208693.
- Gassendi, Pierre; Thill, Oliver (2002). The Life of Copernicus (1473-1543). Fairfax: Xulon Press. ISBN 9781591601937.
- Gemil, Tasin (2013). "Legăturile româno-turce de-a lungul veacurilor (până în 1981)". In Gemil, Tasin; Custurea, Gabriel; Cornea, Delia Roxana (eds.). Moștenirea culturală turcă în Dobrogea. Simpozion internațional. Constanța, 24 septembrie, 2013. Top Form. pp. 33–80. ISBN 978-606-8550-08-4.
- Gorovei, Ștefan S. (2014). "Mai 1498: Ștefan cel Mare și Polonia". Analele Putnei. X (2): 401–414. ISSN 1841-625X.
- Grabarczyk, Tadeusz (2010). "Cosmin Forest, Battle of". In Rogers, Clifford J. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, Volume 1: Aachen, Siege of – Dyrrachium, Siege and Battle of (1081). Oxford University Press. p. 434. ISBN 978-0-19-533403-6.
- Housley, Norman (2004). Crusading in the fifteenth century: message and impact. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781403902832.
- Janicki, Kamil (2021). "Synowie Kazimierza IV Jagiellończyka". wielkahistoria.pl (in Polish). Wielka Historia. Retrieved 22 November 2021.
- Kłoczowski, Jerzy (1998). Młodsza Europa: Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia w kręgu cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej średniowiecza (in Polish). Polska: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy. ISBN 9788306026894.
- Knox, Brian (1971). The Architecture of Poland. London: Barrie & Jenkins. ISBN 9780214652110.
- Kraszewski, Józef Ignacy (1888). Wizerunki książąt i królów polskich (in Polish). Warszawa (Warsaw): Gebethner i Wolff. OCLC 24638238.
- Labno, Jeannie (2011). Commemorating the Polish renaissance child: funeral monuments and their European context. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 9780754668251.
- Maasing, Madis (2015). "Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia". In Heß, Cordelia; Adams, Jonathan (eds.). Fear and Loathing in the North. Jews and Muslims in Medieval Scandinavia and the Baltic Region. De Gruyter. pp. 347–388. ISBN 978-3-11-034647-3.
- Moraczewski, Jędrzej (1862). Dzieje Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, przez Jędrzejn Moraczewskiego (in Polish). Poznań: N. Kamieński. OCLC 726792119.
- Nadolski, Bronisław (1961). Wybór mów staropolskich (in Polish). Poland: Ossoliński Institute. OCLC 246031956.
- Nowakowska, Natalia (2007). Church, state and dynasty in Renaissance Poland: the career of Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1468-1503). Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 9780754656449.
- Nowakowska, Natalia (2017). Church, State and Dynasty in Renaissance Poland. The Career of Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1468–1503). Routledge: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781351951555.
- Olkiewicz, Joanna (1981). Kallimach doświadczony (in Polish). Warszawa: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza. ISBN 9788320532920.
- Papacostea, Șerban (1996). Stephen the Great, Prince of Moldavia, 1457–1504. Editura Enciclopedică. ISBN 973-45-0138-0.
- Papée, Fryderyk (1936). Jan Olbracht (in Polish). Polska: Gebethner i Wolff. OCLC 560200350.
- Polska Akademia Nauk (1954). Studia i materiały z dziejów nauki polskiej (in Polish). Vol. 2. Polska: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. OCLC 231045979.
- Rożek, Michał (2008). Meandry kultury czyli Galimatias nie tylko krakowski (in Polish). Kraków: WAM. ISBN 9788375052497.
- Rundle, David (2012). Humanism in fifteenth-century Europe. Oxford: The Society for the Study of Medieval Languages and Literature. ISBN 9780907570400.
- Sejm (1993). Przegląd Sejmowy (PDF) (in Polish). Warsaw (Warszawa): Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. OCLC 1201482208.
- Sherwin, Byron Lee (1997). Sparks amidst the ashes: the spiritual legacy of Polish Jewry. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195106855.
- Spórna, Marcin (2006). Słownik najsłynniejszych wodzów i dowódców polskich (in Polish). Polska: Zielona Sowa. ISBN 9788374350945.
- Sroka, Stanisław (2005). Jadwiga Zapolya. Piastówna śląska na Węgrzech w dobie panowania Jagiellonów (in Polish). Polska: Towarzystwo Naukowe "Societas Vistulana". ISBN 9788388385544.
- Stadnicki, Hrabia Kazimierz (1880). O tronie elekcyjnym domu Jagiellonów w Polsce (in Polish). Lwów (Lemberg): Dobrzański & Groman. OCLC 253194759.
- Stone, Daniel Z. (2014). The Polish-Lithuanian State, 1386-1795. University of Washington Press. ISBN 9780295803623.
- Suchodolski, Bogdan (1973). Poland, the Land of Copernicus. Wrocław: Ossolineum, Polska Akademia Nauk PAN. OCLC 714705.
- Święch-Płonka, Małgorzata (2004). Europa między Italią a Polską i Litwą (in Polish). Polska Akademia Umiejętności. ISBN 9788388857737.
- Szujski, Józef (1889). Historya polska. Z mapą Polski (in Polish). Kraków: Kluczycki "Czas". OCLC 18043371.
- Szujski, Józef (1894). Dzieła Józefa Szujskiego (in Polish). Vol. 2. Kraków: "Czas" Publications. OCLC 941034899.
- Szujski, Józef (n.d.). Dzieje Polski: Jagiellonowie. Kraków: "Czas" Publications. OCLC 254227833.
- Szwarc, Andrzej (2007). Kto rządził Polską? (in Polish). Warszawa (Warsaw): Świat Książki. ISBN 9788373118676.
- Teller, Adam; Teter, Magda; Polonsky, Antony (2022). Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 22 Social and Cultural Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland. Liverpool: University Press. ISBN 9781802079456.
- Thomson, Samuel Harrison (1963). Europe in Renaissance and Reformation. Harcourt, Brace & World. ISBN 9780155766013.
- Wierzbicki, Piotr; Spórna, Marcin; Wygonik, Edyta (2003). Słownik władców Polski i pretendentów do tronu polskiego (in Polish). Polska: Wydawn. Zielona Sowa. ISBN 9788372205605.
- Wyczański, Andrzej (1987). Dogonić Europę (in Polish). Polska: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza. ISBN 9788303018243.
- public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "John Albert". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 458. This article incorporates text from a publication now in the
- Use British English from October 2022
- Articles with short description
- Articles containing Polish-language text
- CS1 Polish-language sources (pl)
- CS1: long volume value
- CS1 Lithuanian-language sources (lt)
- Justapedia articles incorporating text from the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica
- AC with 0 elements
- 1459 births
- 1501 deaths
- 15th-century Polish monarchs
- 16th-century Polish monarchs
- Polish Roman Catholics
- Nobility from Kraków
- Jagiellonian dynasty
- Burials at Wawel Cathedral
- Pretenders to the Hungarian throne